Tuesday, 14 June 2022

בהעלותך

Substituting the Elders

The story of the appointment of the 70 elders in Bamidbar 11 is interwoven with the story of the complaint for meat. The mixed narrative has raised many eyebrows leading to characteristic attempts by bible critics to deconstruct the text across apparent fault lines.[1] We previously discussed how the two stories are in fact well integrated. The back and forth between the passages is by way of literary design and mirrors the underlying struggle between the Ru’ach (spirit) and the Basar (meat - representing physicality) in the camp.  

As part of a wider discussion on the topic, R. Elchanan Samet notes that the word Ru’ach appears six times within the text which deals with the transfer of Ruach from Moshe to the elders. The word Basar, on the other hand, appears eight times within the section dealing with the complaints for meat and is symptomatic of the Israelites’ materialistic temperament. The repetition of these contrasting key words (leitworts) is all the more significant in light of the fact that the clash between the Basar and Ru’ach is a well attested feature throughout Tanakh (see, for example, Gen. 6:3, 17 and many more).[2]

The combined total of 14 references is a multiple of seven, which is typical for a leitwort.[3] However, if the purpose is to demonstrate a balance between the two forces – the Ru’ach on the one hand and the Basar on the other - one would expect a symmetrical 7 v 7 pattern. The 8 v 6 pattern requires explanation.

Samet considers the ‘imbalance’ to allude to the upper hand which the Basar had over the Ru’ach at this stage. This raises an important point. Despite the ceremonious appointment of the elders, and even God’s reassurance that Moshe will no longer carry the burden on his own (11:17), very little seems to have been achieved. In the short term, the elders return to the camp and precisely at this point the quails land providing the desperately needed meat supplies. Further along, the episode of the spies takes place, whose failure can be sourced in this episode of the complaints for meat.[4]

The sixth and final reference to the Ru’ach in the chapter (11:30) stands in contrast to the earlier references. The earlier references refer to the spirit of Moshe which was to transfer to the elders. The objective was that this spirit would spread out to the rest of the Israelites and subdue their materialistic temperament. When they return to the camp, we do in fact hear of a Ru’ach emanating from God, but in a disappointing twist it turns out to be a physical wind carrying meat. Yonatan Grossman notes that this device serves to create an anti-climax in the story.[5] Moses expected the spirit of prophecy to proliferate but instead of mass prophecy there was a mass meat-fest.

Which Ohel Mo’ed?

Another related observation is that this episode seems to take place in the Ohel Mo’ed outside the camp. This is strange as the term Ohel Mo’ed usually refers to the Mishkan located at the centre of the camp. Indeed, the positioning of the Mishkan at the centre of the camp is a primary focus of the prior chapters discussing the encampment and journeying arrangements, representing the continued divine presence within the camp. The only prior reference to the Ohel Mo’ed outside the camp was the tent Moshe pitched following the sin of the golden calf:

וּמֹשֶׁה יִקַּח אֶת־הָאֹהֶל וְנָטָה־לוֹמִחוּץ לַמַּחֲנֶה הַרְחֵק מִן־הַמַּחֲנֶה וְקָרָא לוֹ אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְהָיָה כְּבֹא מֹשֶׁה הָאֹהֱלָה יֵרֵד עַמּוּד הֶעָנָן וְעָמַד פֶּתַח הָאֹהֶל וְדִבֶּר עִם־מֹשֶׁה׃ וְרָאָה כׇל־הָעָם אֶת־עַמּוּד הֶעָנָן עֹמֵד פֶּתַח הָאֹהֶל וְקָם כׇּל־הָעָם וְהִשְׁתַּחֲווּ אִישׁ פֶּתַח אׇהֳלוֹ׃ (שמות לג:ז-י)

This tent was symbolic of the gulf between Moshe and the people at this stage. During this period, the divine presence resided in Moshe’s personal tent but outside the main camp.

Most people assume this tent was a temporary structure erected following the sin of the golden calf until the return of the divine presence via the Mishkan.[6] Yet it seems to resurface in our story of the appointment of the elders as well as the following story where Miriam speaks out against Moshe (and possibly the appointment of Yehoshua). This has led some to conclude that this ‘other’ Ohel Mo’ed continued to act alongside the main Mishkan even as the latter went live.[7] This may explain why non-Kohanim (Miriam, the elders) apparently enter this tent whereas the Mishkan was the exclusive domain of the Kohanim. The two passages in our parashah where this tent reappears deal with similar tensions around the gap between Moshe and the people, and the exclusivity of Moshe’s prophecy. Even if, after all is said, the Ohel Mo'ed in our passage refers to the Mishkan (as I feel inclined to argue), the literary association with Moshe’s Ohel Mo’ed outside the camp takes us back to a time when the divine presence could not be maintained within the camp. During this period, Moshe stands on the side of the divine presence separate to the rest of the nation.

In our passage, the divine presence (along with Moshe) is repelled by the Basar which has become the central focus. The displacement of the divine presence by the Basar, may also be suggested by the ironic description of the presence of the Basar in the camp. The constant presence of the Basar is described using a similar formula to the prior description of the cloud hovering on the Mishkan (representing the divine presence):

וְיֵשׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִהְיֶה הֶעָנָן מֵעֶרֶב עַד־בֹּקֶר וְנַעֲלָה הֶעָנָן בַּבֹּקֶר וְנָסָעוּ אוֹ יוֹמָם וָלַיְלָה וְנַעֲלָה הֶעָנָן וְנָסָעוּ׃ אוֹ־יֹמַיִם אוֹ־חֹדֶשׁ אוֹ־יָמִים בְּהַאֲרִיךְ הֶעָנָן עַל־הַמִּשְׁכָּן לִשְׁכֹּן עָלָיו יַחֲנוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלֹא יִסָּעוּ וּבְהֵעָלֹתוֹ יִסָּעוּ: (במדבר ט:כא-כב)

לֹא יוֹם אֶחָד תֹּאכְלוּן וְלֹא יוֹמָיִם וְלֹא  חֲמִשָּׁה יָמִים וְלֹא עֲשָׂרָה יָמִים וְלֹא עֶשְׂרִים יוֹם׃ עַד  חֹדֶשׁ יָמִים... (במדבר יא:יט-כ)

In the case of the Basar especially, this formula seems out of place and difficult to reconcile with the fact that the verse says that God struck them whilst ‘the meat was still between their teeth’ (10:33). This latter verse seems to imply the retribution was immediate. Whatever the solution, from a literary standpoint, it serves to draw a contrast between the Basar and the Mishkan, pitching one against the other.[8]

Part II

Eldad and Meidad

It is in this context that I would like to revisit the Eldad and Meidad story. It is not entirely clear why Eldad and Meidad decided to stay in the camp when they were called to go to the tent of meeting as part of, or in addition to, the 70 elders. Perhaps it was humility (Rashi; TB. Sanhedrin 17a). Perhaps they did not feel comfortable with the exclusivity of the affair, preferring to remain with everyone else inside the camp.[9] What matters is the contrast between Eldad and Meidad who remained inside the camp and the elders outside the camp.

Whilst the elders prophesy on a one-off (וַיִּתְנַבְּאוּ וְלֹא יָסָפוּ),[10] the prophetic spirit which rests on Eldad and Meidad does not contain this limitation. In the words of Chazal:

כל הנביאים כולן נתנבאו ופסקו והן נתנבאו ולא פסקו (בבלי סנהדרין יז.)

I believe that the difference is explained by the way the spiritual position of the elders was acquired as compared to Eldad and Meidad. The elders are granted their prophetic encounter via an artificial transfer from Moshe, whereas Eldad and Meidad attain their prophecy organically within the camp. It should be noted that in contrast to the selection of the judges in parashat Yitro, no individual qualities are specified here in the selection of the elders, other than that they are elders and officers ‘known’ to Moshe.

The experience of the 70 elders recalls the short-lived prophecy of Sha’ul following his designation as future king. (The establishment of new strata of leadership is one of many parallels between the lives of Moshe and Shmuel.) One of the omens Shmuel provides Sha’ul is that a prophetic spirit will enter him after which he ‘will turn into another person’. Like our passage, however, the experience fizzles out as quickly as it comes as the verse immediately emphasizes that he ‘ceased prophesizing’:

וַתִּצְלַח עָלָיו רוּחַ אֱלוקים וַיִּתְנַבֵּא בְּתוֹכָם׃ וַיְהִי כׇּל־יוֹדְעוֹ מֵאִתְּמוֹל שִׁלְשֹׁם וַיִּרְאוּ וְהִנֵּה עִם־נְבִאִים נִבָּא וַיֹּאמֶר הָעָם אִישׁ אֶל־רֵעֵהוּ מַה־זֶּה הָיָה לְבֶן־קִישׁ הֲגַם שָׁאוּל בַּנְּבִיאִים׃ וַיַּעַן אִישׁ מִשָּׁם וַיֹּאמֶר וּמִי אֲבִיהֶם עַל־כֵּן הָיְתָה לְמָשָׁל הֲגַם שָׁאוּל בַּנְּבִאִים׃ וַיְכַל מֵהִתְנַבּוֹת וַיָּבֹא הַבָּמָה׃ (שמואל א', י:י-יג)

Throughout Sha’ul’s life he will search in vein to regain this experience driving himself to the point of insanity. By the end of his life the aphorism expressing astonishment around his prophetic standing (‘is Sha’ul amongst the prophets’) has become a source of mockery:

וַיִּפְשַׁט גַּם־הוּא בְּגָדָיו וַיִּתְנַבֵּא גַם־הוּא לִפְנֵי שְׁמוּאֵל וַיִּפֹּל עָרֹם כָּל־הַיּוֹם הַהוּא וְכָל־הַלָּיְלָה עַל־כֵּן יֹאמְרוּ הֲגַם שָׁאוּל בַּנְּבִיאִם׃ (שמואל א' יט:כד)

Though the expression is identical to the earlier one, the sense now is: ‘is Sh’aul amongst the crazy people doing obscene acts in the name of prophetic aspiration?’. It would seem fair to suggest that this should be read as a critical commentary on Sha’ul’s meteoric rise to power at the outset.[11]

I would suggest that in our passage too, the Torah is ambivalent towards the experience of the elders and expresses its preference for the Eldad and Meidad route. This may also be reflected in the etymologies of their names. The term dad (דד) means breast (see Ezek. 23:8 and 21) which aligns with Moshe’s description of himself as nursing the nation:

הֶאָנֹכִי הָרִיתִי אֵת כׇּל־הָעָם הַזֶּה אִם־אָנֹכִי יְלִדְתִּיהוּ כִּי־תֹאמַר אֵלַי שָׂאֵהוּ בְחֵיקֶךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר יִשָּׂא הָאֹמֵן אֶת־הַיֹּנֵק עַל הָאֲדָמָה (במדבר יא:יב)

In other words, Eldad and Meidad may be seen as filling the role of the nurse to the infantile nation which Moshe so forcefully rejected. 

By shunning the exclusive selection process, Eldad and Meidad should be considered alongside the other actors in Sefer Bamidbar who challenge the norm and are judged favourably by the Torah (e.g. those unable to offer the Pesach, daughters of Tzelofchad, Pinchas etc.).[12]  

The 70 elders at Mt Sinai

As support for the above theory, it is interesting to compare this story of the 70 elders to the one involving the (same?) 70 elders at Mt Sinai:

וְאֶל־מֹשֶׁה אָמַר עֲלֵה אֶל־ה' אַתָּה וְאַהֲרֹן נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא וְשִׁבְעִים מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתֶם מֵרָחֹק׃ וְנִגַּשׁ מֹשֶׁה לְבַדּוֹ אֶל־ה' וְהֵם לֹא יִגָּשׁוּ וְהָעָם לֹא יַעֲלוּ עִמּוֹ... וַיִּשְׁלַח אֶת־נַעֲרֵי בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיַּעֲלוּ עֹלֹת וַיִּזְבְּחוּ זְבָחִים שְׁלָמִים לַה' פָּרִים... וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה וְאַהֲרֹן נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא וְשִׁבְעִים מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ וַיִּרְאוּ אֵת אֱלוֹקי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְתַחַת רַגְלָיו כְּמַעֲשֵׂה לִבְנַת הַסַּפִּיר וּכְעֶצֶם הַשָּׁמַיִם לָטֹהַר׃ וְאֶל־אֲצִילֵי בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לֹא שָׁלַח יָדוֹ וַיֶּחֱזוּ אֶת־הָאֱלוקים וַיֹּאכְלוּ וַיִּשְׁתּוּ׃

וַיֹּאמֶר ה' אֶל־מֹשֶׁה עֲלֵה אֵלַי הָהָרָה וֶהְיֵה־שָׁם וְאֶתְּנָה לְךָ אֶת־לֻחֹת הָאֶבֶן וְהַתּוֹרָה וְהַמִּצְוָה אֲשֶׁר כָּתַבְתִּי לְהוֹרֹתָם׃ וַיָּקׇם מֹשֶׁה וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ מְשָׁרְתוֹ וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה אֶל־הַר הָאֱלוקים׃ וְאֶל־הַזְּקֵנִים אָמַר שְׁבוּ־לָנוּ בָזֶה עַד אֲשֶׁר־נָשׁוּב אֲלֵיכֶם וְהִנֵּה אַהֲרֹן וְחוּר עִמָּכֶם מִי־בַעַל דְּבָרִים יִגַּשׁ אֲלֵהֶם׃ (שמות כד:א-יד)

Again, we have 70 elders tapping into a revelatory experience led by Moshe. This passage also contains the rare root א-צ-ל and here we also have the reference to the youth (נערי בני ישראל) and to Yehoshua. In both passages the uniqueness of Moshe’s standing is at the forefront. 

This is not the place for detailed analysis of this passage. For our purposes, I would like to draw attention to the way the elders are suddenly replaced with Yehoshua. Yehoshua appears seemingly out of nowhere and effectively replaces the elders who are told to head back to the camp. The context and language undoubtedly recalls the way Avraham and Yitzchak leave the two lads prior to heading out on their own towards the mountain they had seen from afar:[13]

וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אֶל־נְעָרָיו שְׁבוּ־לָכֶם פֹּה עִם־הַחֲמוֹר וַאֲנִי וְהַנַּעַר נֵלְכָה עַד־כֹּה וְנִשְׁתַּחֲוֶה וְנָשׁוּבָה אֲלֵיכֶם׃ (בראשית כה:ב)

The comparison between the 70 elders and the anonymous lads is unflattering and lends support to the contention that the Torah seeks to replace the institution of the elders with something closer to a meritocracy. It is Yehoshua who showcases this perhaps more than anyone else. He is one of the only people in the Torah (Chur, Eldad and Meidad being the others) introduced simply by his first name with no additional background or lineage (see previous discussion here). In the battle against Amalek where he first appears, Moshe takes up a position on top of the mountain, whilst Yehoshua fights alongside the people down below. He is content with being in the shadow of Moshe and does not seek the limelight himself. Thus, when it comes to Mt Sinai, the positions are switched round; Aaron and Chur are down below with the elders, whilst Yehoshua is invited to ascend.

With this background, it is hardly surprising that when the leadership transfer to Yehoshua takes place, the basis for the selection focuses on the Ru'ach:

וַיֹּאמֶר ה' אֶל־מֹשֶׁה קַח־לְךָ אֶת־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בִּן־נוּן אִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־רוּחַ בּוֹ וְסָמַכְתָּ אֶת־יָדְךָ עָלָיו׃ (במדבר כז:יח)

Crucially, this is a Ru'ach Yehoshua has already acquired rather than one which will be transferred to him as part of the handover.

Hence, in both passages dealing with the 70 elders, the elders have a privileged status but are subtly replaced (in literary terms at least) by the self-made individuals. (For further possible example of the elders ‘disappearing’ see Rashi to Ex. 4:1)

A third perspective

Remarkably we find a third passage dealing with the elders which seems to engage a dialogue with both earlier passages:

וַיְהִי כְּשָׁמְעֲכֶם אֶת־הַקּוֹל מִתּוֹךְ הַחֹשֶׁךְ וְהָהָר בֹּעֵר בָּאֵשׁ וַתִּקְרְבוּן אֵלַי כָּל־רָאשֵׁי שִׁבְטֵיכֶם וְזִקְנֵיכֶם׃ וַתֹּאמְרוּ הֵן הֶרְאָנוּ ה' אֱלוקינוּ אֶת־כְּבֹדוֹ וְאֶת־גָּדְלוֹ וְאֶת־קֹלוֹ שָׁמַעְנוּ מִתּוֹךְ הָאֵשׁ הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה רָאִינוּ כִּי־יְדַבֵּר אֱלוקים אֶת־הָאָדָם וָחָי׃ וְעַתָּה לָמָּה נָמוּת כִּי תֹאכְלֵנוּ הָאֵשׁ הַגְּדֹלָה הַזֹּאת אִם־יֹסְפִים אֲנַחְנוּ לִשְׁמֹעַ אֶת־קוֹל ה' אֱלוקינוּ עוֹד וָמָתְנוּ...

וַיִּשְׁמַע ה' אֶת־קוֹל דִּבְרֵיכֶם בְּדַבֶּרְכֶם אֵלָי וַיֹּאמֶר ה' אֵלַי... לֵךְ אֱמֹר לָהֶם שׁוּבוּ לָכֶם לְאָהֳלֵיכֶם׃ וְאַתָּה פֹּה עֲמֹד עִמָּדִי (דברים ה:כח)

At first glance this has nothing to do with the 70 elders appointed by Moshe in Bamidbar 11. However, the fact that both involve the elders, both highlight a discontinued revelatory experience (אם יספים אנחנו / לא יספו), and both passages feature a ‘consuming fire’, [14] does not seem coincidental.

On the other hand, the Mt Sinai context and, specifically, the concluding verse where Gods tells them to 'return to their tents' which encompasses an instruction for everyone (except Moshe) to return to their ordinary physical lives,[15] corresponds to the earlier passage about the 70 elders at Mt Sinai:

לֵךְ אֱמֹר לָהֶם שׁוּבוּ לָכֶם לְאָהֳלֵיכֶם׃

וְאֶל־הַזְּקֵנִים אָמַר שְׁבוּ־לָנוּ בָזֶה עַד אֲשֶׁר־נָשׁוּב אֲלֵיכֶם

As usual it is difficult to match the events as described in Sefer Devarim precisely with any of the original narratives, as Devarim seems to merge and reframe different events. From the Sefer Shemot perspective, it is the decision of Moshe to drop the elders. In the Sefer Bamidbar narrative, it is God's decision to discontinue the prophecy of the elders. Finally, in Sefer Devarim it is the elders’ own realization of their limited spiritual capacity. Reconstructing the actual events is not the point. In the complexity that is real life, events are not isolated and different forces interact with each other over a prolonged period.

This all requires a much wider analysis and my point here – tangents aside - is to argue that there is a consistent negation of any special standing of the elders (as a ruling institution associated with clan hierarchies). This is consistent with a wider reordering which takes further shape in Sefer Devarim, whereby the tribal structures are downgraded in favour of empowerment of the individual and the collective.[16] One of the messages of our passage is that, for the Ru’ach to penetrate the nation in a sustainable way, it must be nurtured from within and not imposed or contributed from without.[17]

 

 

 

 





[1] Summary and critique in B. D. Sommer, "Reflecting on Moses: The Redaction of Numbers 11”, Journal of Biblical Literature, 118(4), pp. 601–624

[2] See E. Samet, here 

[3] U. Cassuto, Bereishit (Magnes, 1978), pp. 5-6. Cassuto was particularly attached to the seven repetition. Shamah demonstrates that patterns of eight are also prevalent; M. Shamah, Recalling the Covenant (KTAV, 2011), pp. 1057-1066.

[4] See previous discussion here

[5] J. Grossman, Text and Subtext: On Exploring Biblical Narrative Design (Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 2015; Hebrew), pp. 81-83 

[6] See Ramban 33:7. Ibn Ezra and Rashi have different chronology, but all seem to assume it was temporary.

[7] See discussion here. As further explained, I think the association with Moshe’s Ohel Mo’ed serves a literary purpose.

[8] The opening story about the Mitonenim in which a fire ‘engulfs the edge of the camp’ also helps to establish the boundaries of the camp as a key motif in this chapter.

[9] The process described in the Midrash (Sifre 95; TB San. 17a) whereby 2 out of the 72 would draw a blank indicating ‘God does not desire you’ reinforces the sense of exclusivity.

[10] See Rashi’s first explanation. This is in line with most classic and modern commentators.

[11] Based on R. Amnon Bazakhere 

[12] There are of course other examples where the challenge receives a negative reaction (Korach, Zimri/Kosbi, the separatist tribes etc). Indeed, the tension between organization/conformity and revolution is a key theme across Sefer Bamidbar.

[13] This is just one of many parallels with between this passage and the Akedah. See, for example, discussion here by Grossman. 

[14] I am referring to the events reported in Num. 11:1-3. See Kli Yakar to Num. 11:1 who argues the Mitonenim should not be separately identified from the Mitavim. See also Chizkuni Deut. 9:22.

[15] See discussion TB Beitzah 5b

[16] See J. Berman, Created Equal: How the Bible Broke With Ancient Political Thought (Oxford, 2008), pp.73-78

[17] If we count the word רחים (mill) in Numbers 11:7 as the first reference, then there are in fact seven (and not six) references in Numbers 11. This makes the reference in the spies episode about the Ru’ach of Caleb the eighth reference:

וְעַבְדִּי כָלֵב עֵקֶב הָיְתָה רוּחַ אַחֶרֶת עִמּוֹ וַיְמַלֵּא אַחֲרָי וַהֲבִיאֹתִיו אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־בָּא שָׁמָּה וְזַרְעוֹ יוֹרִשֶׁנָּה (במדבר יד:כד)

This would fit another common pattern whereby a seven unit is transformed to eight signifying a new milestone. This would provide added significance to Caleb’s Ru’ach which he marshals to counter the spies.