Thursday 11 April 2024

תזריע-מצורע

The Guilt of the Metzora

Natural disease or divine retribution?

Is the affliction of Tzara'at contingent on a transgression? The answer to this question is not as simple as one might expect. The Torah devotes 116 consecutive verses to detailing the symptoms and the purification process of a Metzora, yet it does not link the cause to any particular transgression. The verses appear to describe various naturally occurring skin diseases (though apparently not leprosy), followed by apparent cases of fungi and mold outbreaks affecting fabrics and buildings.[1]

The laws of Tzara'at appear within a wider unit comprising other causes of impurity, including childbirth, menstrual and other bodily flows. As these conditions are natural and not reflective of any sin, there is no reason to assume the various forms of Tzara'at are of a different order.[2]

The regulations for dealing with the Tzara'at also seems to be medically informed. The need for quarantine is consistent with infectious disease control, whilst destruction of fabrics or building infrastructure is a well-attested approach for containing extreme cases of fungus/mold contamination.[3]

It should be noted that the fact that a Chatat is brought by the Metzora does not necessarily imply a transgression. Suffice to point to the other cases of ritual contamination which require a Chatat offering as part of the purification despite the fact that no sin has been committed. Similarly, a Nazir brings a Chatat upon the successful fulfilment of his Nazarite vow, even though this is apparently a positive achievement.[4] The fact that public Chatat offerings are brought on the festivals and at the inauguration of the Mishkan also seem unrelated to specific sins.[5]

Whilst often translated as a sin offering, it is more accurate to refer to the Chatat as a 'purification' offering after the act of purification (the chituy) which the Kohen performs on the Mizbe'ach by smearing the blood on the four corners (see Ex 29:36 and Lev 8:15). The principle is that the Mizbe'ach itself requires purification when impurity has been introduced, even outside the immediate vicinity of the Mishkan.[6] The deliberate smearing of the blood upon the horns of the altar constitutes the essence of the purification.[7]

The common understanding of the Chatat must therefore be flipped on its head. The primary purpose of Chatat is in fact related to ritual purification. The novelty the Torah introduces is that sin defiles the Mishkan, and particularly the Mizbe'ach, in a parallel manner to ritual impurity. As for ritual impurity, the Chatat has the capacity to purify this form of spiritual contamination as well. The association of these two forms of impurity (ritual and spiritual) imbues sin with a metaphysical quality which upgrades its severity in the human conscience. We will shortly return to this point.

If the Chatat of the Metzora is not an indicator of sin, what evidence is there that a Metzora's condition constitutes divine retribution more so than any other natural disease? To be clear, the fact that Tzara'at is a natural phenomenon and some of the regulations include sanitary or prophylactic measures, does not in of itself preclude a sin-punishment cause and effect. The question I am focusing on is if there is internal evidence that such a relationship exists.

To address this point, we need to briefly survey the cases in Tanakh where Tzara'at appears.

1) The most prominent case of Tzara'at is that of Miriam who is afflicted with Tzara'at after speaking negatively about Moshe (Num. 12:1). The Torah directs us to recall this episode immediately following the instruction to 'take heed of the Tzara'at affliction and diligently observe what the Kohanim instruct you' (24:8-9). Whilst the verse itself appears to refer to the diagnosis and purification process supervised by the Kohen, the juxtaposition with the verse about Miriam suggests there is an underlying spiritual cause to be aware of.

2) King Uzziah is suddenly stricken with Tzara'at when he offers Ketoret though not a Kohen himself (2 Chr. 26:16-21). The affliction apparently remains with him for the rest of his life.

3) Geichazi, the assistant of Elisha, is stricken as a punishment for his attempt to deceitfully enrich himself when Elisha heals Naaman of his Tzara'at (2 Kings 5:20-27).

On the other hand, there are other references where it is not obvious that the disease is linked to a particular sin. As one of the three signs at the burning bush, Moshe's hand presents with Tzara'at symptoms and is subsequently cured (Ex. 4:6). Although this is assumed by some commentators as linked to his alleged lashon ha-ra about the faith of the people (see Rashi), this does not necessarily stem from the p'shat and appears to be somewhat of an imposition.

Regarding the story of Naaman whose Tzara'at is healed by Elisha, at no point is there any suggestion within the narrative that Naaman had committed a particular sin.[8] There are other cases where the Tzara'at reference is neutral so far as sin is concerned, but the absence is stark in this case as the account revolves entirely around Naaman's Tzara'at and its cure.

With respect to Chazal's view, the position is far from clear or unanimous. Whilst people are familiar with the link drawn to the specific sin of lashon ha-ra (informed primarily by the Miriam episode), another Talmudic passage lists out various unrelated sins as potential causes (TB Archin 16a). Elsewhere the Talmud suggests there are at least some cases where Tzara'at is contracted as 'afflictions of love' (TB Berachot 5b). Clearly it was not perceived as a one-to-one relationship with any particular sin, and it was understood that the underlying cause could not always be identified.

What emerges from all the above is a very relatable conclusion. The frightening nature of the disease was perceived as potential divine retribution which was cause for intense introspection. Many of the related laws around isolation, even if the primary purpose was to contain the disease, help to advance that spiritual objective.[9]

The above is a brief summary of a very complex topic. There is much more to be said, but I would like to highlight a specific angle which can shed light on the topic and I have personally not seen discussed much.

The Korban Asham of the Metzorah

We mentioned that a Chatat requirement is not necessarily due to a failing, however that is not true of the Asham. Unlike a Chatat, there is no precedent for an Asham to be brought other than in a negative context and this is implied in its name which loosely translates as 'guilt'.[10] As it relates to a personal failing it is the only type of Korban which is never brought as a Korban Tzibbur (public offering).

Whilst the other cases of ritual impurity referred to earlier all have in common the requirement to bring an Olah and Chatat as part of the purification process, only the Metzora brings an Asham. The very requirement of the Asham therefore points to an element of personal responsibility on the part of the one who was afflicted. But it is specifically the nature of the Asham which encapsulates the nuance of the position.

To understand this better we must consider more broadly the circumstances in which an Asham is brought. The first three cases are mentioned in the primary passage of the Korban Asham at the end of Parashat Vayikra.

  • Asham Me'ilah – unintentional misappropriation of sanctuary property (hekdesh) for personal use. In addition to the Korban, the offender must make full restitution plus pay a penalty of an additional fifth.
  • Asham Taluy – where one is unsure whether one has transgressed.
  • Asham Gezeilah – where one defrauded his/her fellow and lied under oath to establish possession. As with the Asham Meilah, full restitution is required plus an additional penalty of a fifth.[11]

There are three further scattered cases where an Asham is mandated:

  • Asham Metzora – on the eighth day of purification a Metzora is required to bring an Asham alongside the Olah and Chatat.
  • Asham Shifcha Charufa – the circumstances are not entirely clear from the verse but appear to relate to a maidservant who has been acquired by a master and designated for future marriage though they are not formally betrothed. According to Chazal it refers to a case of one who had relations with a partially free Canaanite slave woman who was betrothed to a Jewish slave.
  • Asham Nazir – a Nazir who unwittingly breaks his Nazirite vow (the text uses the specific example of coming into contact with a dead body) must restart the period of their vow.[12]

Various suggestions have been made to establish a common denominator between the different cases.[13] To me it seems that the most prominent feature common to all these cases is the lack of a clear and identifiable sin, either because the sin itself lacks definition, or because the negative effects have already been reversed.  

Asham Me'ilah / Asham Gezeilah

In the case of Asham Meilah and Asham Gezeilah, there was a bona fide transgression to begin with, but the critical point is that restitution has already been made or imposed. What remains is the personal guilt of the offender for the initial breach of trust but not so much the objective (metaphysical) impact which typically requires purification of the Mizbe'ach (via the blood of a Chatat).

To deal with this residual feeling of guilt and to restore the sense of relationship with God, the Asham is mandated. It may even be argued that the purpose is to reinforce the guilt resulting from the transgression but simultaneously provide closure to enable the offender to move on.

Asham Shifcha Charufa

Shifcha Charufa case is another example where the full taint of a sin is lacking and therefore the purification process involving the Chatat is not warranted. Whatever the specific circumstance, the couple cannot be put to death as the maidservant was only semi-formally engaged. The man is nevertheless guilty of a breach of trust which must be acknowledged notwithstanding that the threshold for adultery was not met. Accordingly, an Asham is appropriate.

Asham Nazir

The case of the Asham Nazir is similar to that of the Asham Meilah and Asham Gezeilah as restitution is also made here as the Nazir must restart the period of his vow so that the days prior to the breach are completed anew.[14] The effects have therefore been dealt with and what remains is to alleviate the subjective guilt of failure.

Asham Taluy

The case of the Asham Taluy is the easiest but I have left it towards the end as it resonates most with the Asham Metzora. In the case of the Asham Taluy the entire experience is rooted in a lack of knowledge as to whether any sin has in fact been committed. Such a person carries a feeling of guilt for a potential unidentified sin.

There is an interesting debate whether the Asham Taluy necessitates an uncertainty to have arisen with respect to a specific action or extends to a general sense of guilt for having possibly sinned:

רבי אליעזר אומר, מתנדב אדם אשם תלוי בכל יום ובכל שעה שירצה, והיא נקראת אשם חסידים. אמרו עליו על בבא בן בוטי, שהיה מתנדב אשם תלוי בכל יום, חוץ מאחר יום הכפורים ז יום אחד. אמר, המעון הזה, אלו היו מניחים לי, הייתי מביא, אלא אומרים לי המתן עד שתכנס לספק. וחכמים אומרים, אין מביאים אשם תלוי אלא על דבר שזדונו כרת ושגגתו חטאת. (משנה כריתות ב:א)

The view of the Sages is far more technical and focused on a specific act, whereas the view of R' Eliezer and Bava Ben Buta is much broader and encompasses a guilty state of being.

The fact that the Asham Taluy is based on such a guilt factor rather than an objective need, may shed light on certain laws. Although many of the laws relating to a Chatat are transposed to the Asham, there are several notable differences.[15] There is a special rule that Yom Kippur atones for an Asham Talui requirement yet it does not atone for a Chatat (TB Keritut 25a). Furthermore, according to some opinions, one Asham can cover many different potential sins, whereas a separate Chatat is required for each unintentional sin (TB Keritut 18a). These laws are better understood if the Asham focuses on the state of mind of the person rather than the metaphysical contamination of the sin.

Asham Metzorah

The conscious experience of one bringing an Asham Taluy is mirrored in the Metzora. Whilst the person who is liable to bring an Asham Taluy faces uncertainty of his liability due to the nature of his actions, the victim of the Tzara'at encounters a similar sense of uncertainty as a result of the affliction which is at best indicative, but in no way confirmatory, of a transgression.

For reasons mentioned before, a person stricken with Tzara'at senses divine retribution which rightly demands introspection. On the one hand, this feeling is reinforced by the ritual impurity which follows in its wake. On the other hand, the Torah does not provide any definitive cause or even say explicitly that there is one. The role of the Kohen is simply to diagnose the symptoms, but he makes no determination with regards to possible sin. Conclusions maybe only be drawn from the person's own introspection. Once he is declared pure and the symptoms have gone, he is ready re-enter the camp. It is the Asham which enables him to come to terms with the uncertainty and alleviate his guilt.[16]

Postscript - The Asham as the Imposter Korban

Perhaps this can explain an additional point regarding the presentation of the Asham in the Torah. Both Parashat Vayikra and Tzav deal with the various types of Korbanot with the key difference being that Parashat Vayikra deals with the journey from the owner to the Mizbe'ach including the slaughter and blood service, whereas Parashat Tzav deals with the consumption by either the Mizbe'ach or the Kohanim. For some reason, the Asham passage in Parashat Vayikra does not state at all what happens with the ram once it is brought to the Kohen. There is no mention of the Mizbe'ach, the slaughter procedure, what to do with the blood, which parts are offered etc. Since these elements are not mentioned in Parashat Vayikra, it should come as no surprise that Parashat Tzav compensates by including them within the Asham passage there.

The explanation for this anomaly may relate to the enigmatic status of the Asham. If there is no identifiable sin and the Mizbe'ach requires no purification, then the Korban serves no objective purpose. The unique component of the Chatat offering is the spreading of the blood over the horns of the Mizbe'ach which shares no parallel with other Korbanot. This represents the stage of cleansing or purifying the Mizbe'ach of the ritual or spiritual contamination. The idea of a contingent Korban but lacking the purification capacity of the Chatat (the blood of the Asham is not spread on the horns of the Mizbe'ach) seems to lack purpose.

Moreover, conceptually it seems problematic as if indeed there was no sin then the Korban may be regarded, in theoretical halakhic terms at least, as chullin be-azarah. Obviously once the Korban has been prescribed this is not truly a problem, but it highlights the novelty of the entire framework. In other words, the Asham is unique as within the world of Korbanot it really has no right to be offered up. Yet to ensure that an offender can relieve himself of his guilt whilst at the same time ensuring he is now more mindful of his actions, the Torah prescribes a Korban. Nevertheless, to retain the sense that the Korban addresses a particular psychological state rather than an objective 'need' of the Mizbe'ach, the Torah focuses the passage of the Asham on the delivery of the Korban to the Kohen but stops short of discussing any contact with the Mizbe'ach and detailing the sacrificial rite itself. In literary terms, the Torah distances the Asham from the Mizbe'ach. 

This being the case, Parashat Vayikra opens up with the Olah which is consumed in its entirety on the Mizbe'ach and ends with the Asham which (again in literary terms) doesn't reach the Mizbe'ach at all.[17]

 

  



[1] Leprosy, also known as Hansen's disease, presents with different symptoms and was apparently unknown in the region until the 4th century BCE.

[2] R' Shimon Bar Yochai (TB Niddah 31b) is recorded as saying that the Torah requires a Korban for a new mother as she is assumed to have made an oath owing to the pain of childbirth not to have further intercourse with her husband. There are many apparent problems in the statement and I assume it was intended as a psychological insight rather than literal (as seems to be the case for many of the surrounding statements in the passage). R' S.R. Hirsch creatively interprets the statement as suggestive of a broader need for spiritual recovery following the intense physical experience of childbirth (which is linked to Hirsch's broader theory on the moral philosophy behind ritual impurity). See also TB Keritut 26a which appears to remove the literalism by acknowledging that this is not the real reason the Yoledet brings a Chatat.

[3] See however commentary of R' Hirsch (appendix to Tazria) who forcefully argues that the essence of the disease and its diagnosis is not related to any natural phenomenon.

[4] The view of the Ramban (Num 6:12) notwithstanding. Whilst R Elazar HaKapar (TB Nazir 19a) also regards the Nazir as a 'sinner' he is not specifically addressing the Chatat requirement. From the Talmud (TB Keritut 26a) it is clear that even if a sin is involved in the cases of Yoledet, Metzora, and Nazir, the purpose of the Chatat is to finalise the purification process to enable the consumption of sacrificial foods.

[5] Though the Mishna (Shavuot 1:3-4) understands that the Chatat brought on the various festivals atones for sins related to ritual impurity, particularly contamination of the Mikdash, this too highlights the special capacity of the Chatat to engage in ritual purification.  

[6] In light of this it is surprising that Beit Hillel do not regard its absence as cause for invalidating the Korban (see TB Zevachim 36b). The only Korban which does not have the term Isheh La-Hashem is the Korban Chatat. Yonatan Grossman (Torat HaKorbanot, pp.54-59) suggests that this is because, unlike other Korbanot, the primary purpose of the Korban Chatat is the purification (chituy) of the Mizbe'ach achieved through the blood and from whence it derives its name, and not the consumption of the meat by the fire of the Mizbe'ach.

[7] Discussed in detail in previous post.

[8] See however Bamidbar Rabbah 7:5 which has Naaman being afflicted for being haughty (c.f. TB Archin 16a which links Tzara'at to haughtiness but does not derive this from the Naaman episode). In any event this is not clear from the text.

[9] The Rambam's view, at least on the surface, appears to relate Tzara'at to a miraculous phenomenon (see Hilkhot Tum'at Tzara'at 16:10). This is very uncharacteristic of him and has sparked significant debate. It should be noted, however, that he only states this with regard to Tzara'at on garments and houses, probably as it was unheard of in his day and age. Ironically, it is now commonly accepted that the ancients may have had diseases which have since disappeared or evolved as much as we have diseases now which did not exist then (COVID-19 for example).

[10] In some contexts Asham can refer to the punishment itself (see Gen. 26:10), or a form of compensation payment (see Num. 5:8).

[11] The requirement that restitution is made before bringing the Asham is only explicit by the Asham Gezeilah. Possibly the issue is more sensitive here as the beneficiary of the restitution and the Asham are different, which is not the case for the Asham Meilah.

[12] In the case of the Nazir the Asham comprises a young lamb (keves) one year of age rather than an adult ram (ayil). In the case of Metzora it does not say explicitly that the keves needs to be one year of age, though this is the way it is understood in Halakhah (see Rambam Hilkhot Ma'aseh HaKorbanot 1:24).

[13] In terms of medieval commentators, see in particular Ramban (Lev. 5:15)

[14] I once heard a suggestion from R' Itamar Eldar that, as far as concerns the p'shat, the Asham is only brought after the lost days have been recounted. This is debatable but in any event, it is true that the Asham requirement appears separately to the Olah and Chatat only after it has been clarified that his Nazirite period must restart. Interestingly, in the case of the Metzora, in contrast to the Nazir, the Asham precedes the Chatat and the Olah.

[15] Due to the equating of the Chatat and the Asham in the verse - ka-chatat ka-asham - Chazal derived that certain laws of the Chatat can be transferred to the Asham. For example, R' Eliezer derives that the lishma requirement is essential to the Asham as it is for the Chatat and Korban (which is not the case for other Korbanot). The sages derive from this same comparison that semikhah is required for an Asham even though it is not written explicitly (TB Zevachim 10b-11a). Incidentally, the anomaly of semikhah not being mentioned in relation to the Asham may be connected to the fact that the details of the Korban Asham ritual are deferred to Parashat Tzav (as discussed further below). Since Parashat Tzav focuses on the Kohanim it is not appropriate to mention the semikhah which relates exclusively to the owner (unlike the shechitah which can be done by either – but see commentary of the Netziv on 7:2).  

[16] The ram used for an Asham is the only category of animal which cannot be brought as a Chatat (which is either a bull, male goat, female goat, or female sheep). I have wondered whether the reason for a ram in the case of the Asham is linked to its surprise appearance at the end of the Akeidah. After Avraham was told not to offer Yitzchak he offers a ram as a replacement to fill the void. The ram of the Asham is also brought to fill the void of the Chatat which cannot be offered.

[17] It is noteworthy that the blood of the Asham Metzora is placed on the person himself putting him at the centre of the ritual instead of the Mizbe'ach. This too seems consistent with the suggestion that the Mizbe'ach is altogether secondary in the case of the Asham (though Chazal derived that the blood is also placed on the Mizbe'ach, see TB Zevachim 47b-48a). A precedent for this ritual exists with the ram of the Milu'im where the blood was placed on the Kohanim. There are many unique features of the special Milu'im Korban which require separate study (including its lack of classification as a specific type of Korban). Unlike in the case of the Metzora, however, in the case of the Milu'im the verse states explicitly that the blood also went on the Mizbe'ach. 

Thursday 21 March 2024

פורים

The End of the Megillah: Self-Defence or Massacre?

Mention of genocide in the context of the Megillah immediately brings to mind Haman's plot to annihilate the Jewish people. Mordechai alone refuses to bow down to Haman in accordance with the king's order, yet Haman seeks to exterminate the entire nation on a single day: 'young and old, children and women' (Es. 3:13).

This grim scenario in which Jews are collectively targeted due to the actions of individuals (whether real or imagined, and whether justified or not) is all too familiar from Jewish history. Fortunately, in the story of the Megillah, the plot failed. However, then as today, certain academics took issue and condemned the ‘disproportionate’ response of the Jews once they gained the edge over their enemies.

Consider the following verdict by the renowned American biblical scholar, archaeologist and historian, Lewis Bayles Paton (1864 − 1932):

"There is not one noble character in this book. Xerxes is a sensual despot. Esther… conceals her origin, is relentless toward a fallen enemy, secures not merely that the Jews escape from danger, but that they fall upon their enemies, slay their wives and children, and plunder their property.  Not satisfied with this slaughter, she asks that Haman's ten sons may be hanged, and that the Jews may be allowed another day for killing their enemies in Susa." [1]

Notwithstanding the antisemitic nature of some of the critiques, the basis for the charge is that the Jews do indeed obtain license for indiscriminate slaughter:

לְהַשְׁמִיד וְלַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד אֶת־כָּל־חֵיל עַם וּמְדִינָה הַצָּרִים אֹתָם טַף וְנָשִׁים וּשְׁלָלָם לָבוֹז (אסתר ח':יא)

A number of medieval commentators were already troubled by the content of Mordechai's letters and sought to justify it on various grounds.[2]

Ibn Ezra (8:8) offers a creative (and it must be said improbable) answer that the letters Mordechai dispatched constituted the original decree of Achashverosh, which Haman had surreptitiously amended. According to Ibn Ezra the editing of the original letters comprised the treasonous act of Haman for which he was hanged.[3]

Some modern scholars even proposed amendments of the text to remove the reference to women and children.[4] Others suggested that the decree only pertained to those seeking to attack the Jews.[5] Both of these proposals are difficult for obvious reasons.

Comparing the letters to the narrative

The starting point must be to compare the reported events to the content of the letters, and not read one into the other. As happens so often in biblical texts, there are significant differences between plan and execution. The differences may be broken down into three key elements:

1. The text notes that the actions of the Jews specifically targeted those that ‘sought to harm them’ which is strongly suggestive of a defensive action.[6]

נִקְהֲלוּ הַיְּהוּדִים בְּעָרֵיהֶם בְּכָל־מְדִינוֹת הַמֶּלֶךְ אֳחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ לִשְׁלֹחַ יָד בִּמְבַקְשֵׁי רָעָתָם וְאִישׁ לֹא־עָמַד לִפְנֵיהֶם כִּי־נָפַל פַּחְדָּם עַל־כָּל־הָעַמִּים׃ (אסתר ט':ב)

To this we should add that Esther originally requested that Haman’s decree be revoked altogether. It was the king’s insistence that the initial decree could not be revoked which forced them to fight. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the holiday was established on the day they rested from the fighting and not on the day of the victory itself.

2. Whilst the letters apparently enabled the killing of women and children of the enemy, this element is entirely absent from the reported events. On the contrary, the verses refer only to the men (ish) which were killed.[7] On a plain reading, therefore, it was only the men which were killed and not the women and children.

3. Most glaringly, there is a direct contradiction regarding the fate of the spoils. Whereas the letters speak of the plundering of the enemy possessions (u-shlalam la-voz), the ensuing narrative emphasises no fewer than three times that ‘they didn’t lay hands on the spoils’ (9:10 ,9:15, 9:16). If the plundering did not take place as planned, then it seems highly plausible that the lack of reference to the women and children within the death counts, is intended to convey that this element of the letter was also not fulfilled.[8]

If correct, this leaves us with a different challenge to explain the difference between the letters and the related events. 

One might answer simply that the main purpose of the letters was to maximise the fear factor for anyone contemplating attacking the Jews. Beyond formally allowing the Jews to defend themselves, the purpose of the letters was to create the impression that the state backed the Jews, even whilst there would be no active intervention or ‘boots on the ground’. To further intimidate the enemy, it was deemed necessary to project confidence of victory (hence the spoils) and threaten the enemy with annihilation. In practice, though, civilian casualties and collateral damage were to be minimised.[9]

Beyond this relatively technical explanation, I think the answer runs deeper and touches on a key theme in the Megillah.

Law and order in Shushan

The episode in which Mordechai refuses to bow down to Haman (which triggered the decree of annihilation) has surprising, though clear connections with the earlier episode in which Vashti defies the king’s orders to present herself at the king's feast.

In both instances, the king’s command is defied by an individual inflicting a personal insult on the king or his advisor thereby damaging their ego. Whilst the offender is an individual, the resulting decree is disproportionally broadened to target an entire population. In the case of Vashti, all women are now subject to the bizarre decree that a 'man should rule in his house'. In the case of Mordechai’s refusal to bow, all the Jews are slated to be slaughtered due to Mordechai’s violation. A parallel expression (va-yivez / le-havzot) is used in both cases to justify the widening of the decree.[10]

What both these episodes highlight is a total lack of self-control and restraint, but concealed within a facade of law and order. Megalomania and debauchery are masked by high culture and etiquette. Right at the outset we read how the unlimited drinking at the banquet is performed in 'accordance with the law' (kha-dat). This word – dat - continues to accompany us throughout the Megillah giving the impression everything in Shushan is governed by a legal framework. The disobedience of Vashti becomes a matter of national importance demanding an emergency meeting (ke-dat ma-la'asot) to establish a law to contain the supposed anarchy. The way girls should anoint themselves with myrrh oil and perfume for 12 months must all subscribe to established custom (ke-dat ha-nashim). The issue which seals the fate of the Jews is that they do not follow the laws of the king (ve-et datei ha-melech einam osim). Anyone wishing to approach or entreat the king must adhere to a strict etiquette or risk death (asher lo kha-dat). Even the way a population is to be annihilated has to follow protocol (le-hinaten dat). Most important of all, an edict which has been issued by the king can never be revoked.

All these so-called laws are just a thin veil for the corruption and depravity of those in power. The Megillah waxes lyrical about the glories of the king, yet between the lines, it is those who oppose his immoral laws that are truly praiseworthy.[11] We mentioned above the connection between Mordechai and Vashti's violation of the king’s orders. Both these episodes independently allude to the story of Yosef in Potiphar’s house.

With respect to Mordechai's refusal, there is an obvious textual parallel to the Yosef episode:

וַיְהִי (באמרם) [כְּאׇמְרָם] אֵלָיו יוֹם וָיוֹם וְלֹא שָׁמַע אֲלֵיהֶם (ג':ד)

וַיְהִי כְּדַבְּרָהּ אֶל־יוֹסֵף יוֹם  יוֹם וְלֹא־שָׁמַע אֵלֶיהָ (בראשית ל"ט:י)

With respect to Vashti, like Yosef, her appearance is described as beautiful. Like Yosef, she is called upon to perform an immoral act and like Yosef she refuses (va-tema'en / va-yema'en).[12]

The linguistic parallels underscore a deeper thematic parallel. Just as Yosef risked his life to maintain loyalty to his true master, the Megillah holds a similar evaluation of Mordechai and Vashti’s defiance of the king in favour of a higher order of values.[13]

The covert reading of the Megillah heaps scorn on a debased and amoral society masquerading as orderly and civilised. Law is necessary to set proportionate boundaries for the benefit of society, but in Shushan there are no boundaries at all. Instead, laws are arbitrarily invented to serve the needs and egos of those in power.

Subverting the law

This returns us to the discrepancy between the letters and the narrated events. The letters seem to be yet another example of the theme of reversal which proliferates throughout the Megillah. Haman and Mordechai use identical expressions in their respective letters highlighting the reversal of fortunes:

לְהַשְׁמִיד לַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד אֶת־כָּל־הַיְּהוּדִים מִנַּעַר וְעַד־זָקֵן טַף וְנָשִׁים בְּיוֹם אֶחָד בִּשְׁלוֹשָׁה עָשָׂר לְחֹדֶשׁ שְׁנֵים־עָשָׂר הוּא־חֹדֶשׁ אֲדָר וּשְׁלָלָם לָבוֹז׃ (ג':יג) 

לְהַשְׁמִיד וְלַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד אֶת־כָּל־חֵיל עַם וּמְדִינָה הַצָּרִים אֹתָם טַף וְנָשִׁים וּשְׁלָלָם לָבוֹז (ח':יא)

But perhaps the deeper reversal lies in the next stage. As suggested earlier, the tone of Mordechai’s letters were presumably intended to intimidate. The strategy seems to have been effective as the Megillah repeatedly notes that the fear of the Jews fell upon their enemies. However, despite having the upper hand and 'legal' authority to do as they please to their enemies, they act with restraint by only targeting those 'who sought to harm them'. The spoils are not taken, and the women and children are not targeted.[14] This is an inversion of Haman’s disproportionate actions which sought target an entire nation in response to the ‘sin’ of one person.

I believe this reversal is hinted at through the comparable expressions used in relation to Haman’s unrestrained anger, and the restraint exercised by the Jews when they fought back:

וַיִּבֶז בְּעֵינָיו לִשְׁלֹח יָד בְּמָרְדֳּכַי לְבַדּוֹ (ג':ו)

וּבַבִּזָּה לֹא שָׁלְחוּ אֶת־יָדָם (ט':טו)

Although the words are based on slightly different roots, there is a clear linguistic similarity and probably an etymological connection.[15] The choice of the expression va-yivez to denote reluctance to pursue a course of action is unique and presumably intended to create the connection with the latter phrase. Haman manufactures a genocidal law out of his all-consuming hatred of one person, whilst the Jews minimise the civilian casualties in their retaliatory onslaught in ‘defiance’ of a mirror image law in their favour. As mentioned above, lack of restraint and proportionality are key characteristics of Achashverosh’s kingdom. The restraint shown by the Jews in the penultimate chapter amounts to an ironic subversion of the law, thereby demonstrating that they are indeed deserving of Haman’s accolade: 'they do not follow the laws of the king'.



[1] L. B. Paton, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Esther, (1908) p.96. For more references to Christian condemnations (also connnected to issues around canonisation) see here.

[2] Whilst the number of deaths seem high (800 in Shushan over two days and 75,000 across the other provinces), we obviously have no way of determining how proportionate this was relative to the threat faced and size of the enemy.

[3] Ralbag (8:3) identifies those killed as Amalekites as if to rationalise it, but we will not open that pandora's box.

[4] J. Hoschander, The Book of Esther in the Light of History, (1923) p.240-245 (link available here). The suggestion is based on the Greek version, but it is unconvincing as the Greek versions of the Megillah were highly edited and contained many elements (such as overt religious references) not present at all in the Masoretic text.

[5] Referenced in Hoschander, ibid.

[6] The letters stated that the Jews were allowed to fight for their lives (le-amod al nafsham) against their oppressors, ha-tzarim otam. The JPS translation on this verse is noteworthy: "If any people or province attacks them [emphasis added], they may destroy, massacre, and exterminate its armed force together with women and children, and plunder their possessions". 

[7] The word ish in Tanakh consistently refers to males specifically, and not to people as a collective.

[8] It is worth pointing out that some critical scholars have proposed, with no evidence it should be said, that the phrase u-va-biza lo shalchu yadam is a later supplement, possibly to transform the story from aggression to self-defence (see here).

[9] The tone of the letters also suggests the intention was to embolden the Jews to fight.

[10] This is in addition to other identical phrases such as be-omram, and le-chol medinot ha-melech.

[11] A common suggestion is that the Megillah was censored and therefore there are no explicit references to God or direct criticism of the king. It would be more accurate to say that the style of the Megillah mimics a Persian chronicle with subversive messaging and concealed cynicism. The reason for this requires broader discussion but is related to the significance of the exilic theme. See J. Grossman, Esther: The Outer Narrative and the Hidden Reading, (2011).

[12] These should be considered amongst the dozens of other parallels to the Yosef narratives.

[13] Grossman, ibid, p.85-92.

[14] It is interesting to contrast the actions of the Jews in the Megillah to Shaul's battle against Amalek. There the women and children were killed, but the spoils (i.e. the animals) were taken and the Agag the king was spared.

[15] The root of ביזה is ב-ז-ז whereas ויבז derives from the root ב-ז-ה. They are probably etymologically connected in the sense that appropriation of personal possessions (ביזה) is a mark of disgrace (ביזיון) for the victim (see Ez. 9:6).