Wednesday, 24 February 2021

פורים

Understanding the Megillah postscript

Model leadership in exile

On the surface, the Megillah is a story set firmly within the Babylonian-Persian exile, far removed physically and spiritually from the concurrent events taking place in Israel. Unlike the story of the Exodus, it is not a rescue from a foreign land and there is no mass return to the land of Israel. In fact, there is just a single background reference to the land of Israel in the entire Megillah. Not only do the Jewish people remain in Shushan but they thrive there, and even finish in a stronger position than where they started.

From this perspective, Mordechai and Esther represent the ideal exilic leaders, rising to the top of the social hierarchy whilst staunchly maintaining, and actively fighting for, their Jewish identity and religious faith. Within this model, it is sustainable for Jews to live and even prosper in the diaspora.

To accentuate the exilic atmosphere, the Megillah takes the literary form of a Persian chronicle. The opening frame of reference is 'the days of Achashverosh' with a subsequent description of the grandeur of his reign and apparently limitless wealth. The Megillah ends by closing the circle on the reign of Achashverosh:

"All his mighty and powerful acts, and a full account of the greatness to which the king advanced Mordechai, are recorded in the Book of Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia."

This verse is familiar to us from other places in Tanach where such a refrain is deployed to close off the chapters of various kings of Israel and Judah. This is the only place, however, where it is used in reference to a non-Jewish king. The purpose is to create a pretence that these events are recorded purely from a Persian perspective. Readers tend to see this ending as rather anti-climactic, but it is entirely consistent with the form of the Megillah intended to mimic a Persian chronicle.   

The Persian writing convention is retained throughout (albeit in satiric form), with exaggerated descriptions of pomp and ceremony at each stage. God is entirely absent, and the king of Persia is centre stage. Every turn in the story is activated by Achashverosh and nothing can happen without his approval. The king alone determines who will live and who will die, who will fall and who will rise. The power of the king's ring is absolute and irreversible.

But of course, all this is laced in irony. The king makes all the decisions yet has no opinion of his own. Not one significant decision is rendered which is not initiated and shaped by someone else. On the surface he controls everything, but in reality controls nothing. The king who made the chauvinistic decree that 'every man should rule in his own house', ends up doing everything that his wife (Esther) tells him.  

The Yosef paradigm

The theme of God's providence extending into exile to ensure Jewish survival, is at the heart of the well-known connections between the story of Yosef and the Megillah, existing on both the thematic and textual plane. Esther and Yosef both rise to a position power in a foreign land. They both hide their identities and ultimately reveal them. In the Yosef story, the tragedy starts when he is sold into slavery, whilst in Megillah the Jews are sold out to Haman. In both stories, the turning point takes place when the king's sleep is disturbed and then resolved when a previous forgotten deed/person is recalled (both involving two guards/servants). Mordechai and Yosef are both led through the city in honour and both are recipients of the king's ring.[1]

Some of these connections were already noted by Chazal:

וַיְהִי כְּאָמְרָם אֵלָיו יוֹם וָיוֹם (אסתר ג, ד), רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי בִּנְיָמִין בַּר רַבִּי לֵוִי, בָּנֶיהָ שֶׁל רָחֵל נִסָּן שָׁוֶה וּגְדֻלָּתָן שָׁוָה. נִסָּן שָׁוֶה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית לט, י): וַיְהִי כְּדַבְּרָהּ אֶל יוֹסֵף יוֹם יוֹם, וְכָאן כְּתִיב: וַיְהִי כְּאָמְרָם אֵלָיו יוֹם וָיוֹם וְלֹא שָׁמַע אֲלֵיהֶם, וּלְהַלָּן כְּתִיב (בראשית לט, י): וְלֹא שָׁמַע אֵלֶיהָ לִשְׁכַּב אֶצְלָהּ. וּגְדֻלָּתָן שָׁוָה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית מא, מב): וַיָּסַר פַּרְעֹה אֶת טַבַּעְתּוֹ מֵעַל יָדוֹ וַיִּתֵּן אֹתָהּ עַל יַד יוֹסֵף וַיַּלְבֵּשׁ אֹתוֹ בִּגְדֵי שֵׁשׁ, וְכָאן כְּתִיב: וַיָּסַר הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת טַבַּעְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר הֶעֱבִיר מֵהָמָן וַיִּתְּנָהּ לְמָרְדֳּכָי. לְהַלָּן כְּתִיב (בראשית מא, מב): וַיַּרְכֵּב אֹתוֹ בְּמִרְכֶּבֶת הַמִּשְׁנֶה אֲשֶׁר לוֹ וַיִּקְרְאוּ לְפָנָיו אַבְרֵךְ, וְכָאן כְּתִיב: וְנָתוֹן הַלְּבוּשׁ וְהַסּוּס וְקָרְאוּ לְפָנָיו כָּכָה יֵעָשֶׂה לָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר הַמֶּלֶךְ חָפֵץ בִּיקָרוֹ. (אסתר רבה, ז)

וּמׇרְדֳּכַי יוֹשֵׁב בְּשַׁעַר הַמֶּלֶךְ קָצַף בִּגְתָן וָתֶרֶשׁ אָמַר רַבִּי חִיָּיא בַּר אַבָּא אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן הִקְצִיף הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אָדוֹן עַל עֲבָדָיו לַעֲשׂוֹת רְצוֹן צַדִּיק וּמַנּוּ יוֹסֵף שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר וְשָׁם אִתָּנוּ נַעַר עִבְרִי וְגוֹ׳ עֲבָדִים עַל אֲדוֹנֵיהֶן לַעֲשׂוֹת נֵס לַצַּדִּיק וּמַנּוּ מָרְדֳּכַי דִּכְתִיב וַיִּוָּדַע הַדָּבָר לְמׇרְדֳּכַי וְגוֹ׳. (בבלי, מגילה יג:)

Whilst one can find local significance to some of the specific correspondences, the overarching intent is to set Yosef as a historical precedent and perhaps inspiration, for the roles taken up by Esther and Mordechai. At great personal risk, Esther reveals her identity as she attempts to win over the king's favour. At the same time, Esther and Mordechai remain fully cognisant of God's role in orchestrating the events and moving the pieces into place. As with the Yosef episodes, it represents a model of dual causality. The Divine providence does not force anything but works in tandem with human initiative, setting up the circumstances to enable the human actors to take decisive action.

The cynical face of the Megillah

Despite the above, the masking of the story within a Persian chronicle, suggests an ambivalence on the part of the author. Great as the salvation was, the events are subsumed within Persian history. Whilst in exile, the story of the Jewish people cannot stand independently to that of the host nation. They may succeed in influencing and shaping the decisions of the leaders, but they remain subservient and dependent on the host nation. In addition to the precarious physical existence, they are by default part of that value system (and perhaps integrally so). This is far from the ideal state of the Jewish nation as a 'light unto the nations'.          

Though one might question the conclusion above based on the form of the Megillah alone, there can be little doubt that the strong literary allusions to the land of Israel and the Bet HaMikdash, especially when considered in the overall historical context, act as a criticism to the complacency of exile. As will be shown, this criticism remains until the very end of the Megillah. 

Regarding the historical context, there is a dispute when exactly the Purim story takes place. According to the view of Seder Olam, Achashverosh succeeded Koresh who authorised the return of the exiles (perceived as prophetic fulfilment – see Ezra 1:1). According to others, Achashverosh reigned after Darius some thirty to forty years after the second Bet HaMikdash was already built. According to either view, it was after the divinely inspired proclamation of Koresh and thus the story of the Megillah relates to those who, for whatever reason, decided to remain in the diaspora. The contrast in circumstances of the two communities is striking. Whilst the Jews in the Land of Israel are struggling to survive whilst trying to rebuild the Bet HaMikdash, the Jews in Shushan are enjoying themselves at Achashverosh's feast. [2] 

The allusions to the Bet HaMikdash include the following:

In the opening scene, the terms 'yekar' and 'tif'eret' and 'techelet, butz, ve'argaman' are associated elsewhere in Tanach with the Bet HaMikdash and the Kohen Gadol (see Megillah 12a). The 'various vessels' used at the feast, as already pointed out by Chazal, may allude (at least in literary terms) to the vessels of the Bet HaMikdash. Even the length of the celebration, the 180 days followed by additional 7 days may correspond to the six months spent building the Mishkan followed by the 7 days Milu'im. The suggestion of Chazal that the feast celebrated the termination of Yirmeyahu's prophecy of return – though difficult to accept on the literal level – also seems rooted in these linguistic parallels.[3]

On several occasions the city of Shushan is referred to as Shushan HaBirah. Whilst generally translated as Shushan 'the capital', the only other usage in Tanach of the term Birah is in reference to the Bet HaMikdash.

וְלִשְׁלֹמֹה בְנִי תֵּן לֵבָב שָׁלֵם לִשְׁמוֹר מִצְוֺתֶיךָ עֵדְוֺתֶיךָ וְחֻקֶּיךָ וְלַעֲשׂוֹת הַכֹּל וְלִבְנוֹת הַבִּירָה אֲשֶׁר־הֲכִינוֹתִי (דברי הימים א, כט:יט)[4]

The palace of Achashverosh is itself modelled on the Bet HaMikdash, notably containing a Chatzer Penimit – an inner chamber – where unauthorised entry results in death, corresponding to the Kodesh haKodashim. The apprehension of Esther to enter this chamber certainly recalls the fear of the Kohen Gadol before entering the Kodesh HaKodashim on Yom Kippur. The outer courtyard, where the 'ro'ey penei haMelech' were allowed to go may correspond to the Kodesh with its limited entry to the Kohanim. Finally, the 'sha'ar bet haMelech' where Mordechai sat but mourning was prohibited, parallels the Azarah.

In summary, from the perspective of the Megillah, Shushan has replaced Yerushalayim, Achashverosh's palace has replaced the Bet HaMikdash, and the King of Persia has replaced the King of Kings.

The bittersweet ending

Considering the above, it is important to reconcile the implicit criticism levelled at the Jews in the exile with the Yosef paradigm mentioned earlier. It was, after all, Yosef who actively encouraged his family to leave in Israel and join in him in Egypt. To understand this paradox, we revisit the end of the Megillah:

וַיָּשֶׂם הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ מַס עַל־הָאָרֶץ וְאִיֵּי הַיָּם... (אסתר י:א)

The textual significance of the tax has troubled many commentators. Even if a tax was required to pay for Achashverosh's excesses, this is hardly sufficient to justify the inclusion of this verse. It is difficult to see what would be missing from the story without this added detail.

As a first step, it is interesting to note that economic policy was a central theme in the Yosef story as well. In a great display of foresight, Yosef collects the grain from across the country in the years of plenty in order to provide for the country during the lean years. In contrast, Achashverosh spares no expense in his lavish parties (there are no fewer than 10 in the Megillah!) and 'showing off his riches'.[5] His early generosity even includes a tax holiday for his kingdom. When the dust settles, however, the tax collectors come calling. The apparent beneficiaries of Achashverosh's limitless wealth will be the ones to foot the bill when boom turns to bust. Such cynicism serves to cast suspicion on any benevolence or goodwill displayed by the Persian king. This is important for contextualising the final two verses:

וְכָל־מַעֲשֵׂה תָקְפּוֹ וּגְבוּרָתוֹ וּפָרָשַׁת גְּדֻלַּת מָרְדֳּכַי אֲשֶׁר גִּדְּלוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ הֲלוֹא־הֵם כְּתוּבִים עַל־סֵפֶר דִּבְרֵי הַיָּמִים לְמַלְכֵי מָדַי וּפָרָס׃ כִּי מָרְדֳּכַי הַיְּהוּדִי מִשְׁנֶה לַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ וְגָדוֹל לַיְּהוּדִים וְרָצוּי לְרֹב אֶחָיו דֹּרֵשׁ טוֹב לְעַמּוֹ וְדֹבֵר שָׁלוֹם לְכָל־זַרְעוֹ׃ (אסתר י:ב-ג)

How are we to relate to this? The other place where a similar expression is found is where Haman boasts about his own power:

וַיְסַפֵּר לָהֶם הָמָן אֶת־כְּבוֹד עָשְׁרוֹ וְרֹב בָּנָיו וְאֵת כָּל־אֲשֶׁר גִּדְּלוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ וְאֵת אֲשֶׁר נִשְּׂאוֹ עַל־הַשָּׂרִים וְעַבְדֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ׃ (אסתר ה:יא)

Arguably this is part of the general pattern of reversal in the Megillah. It seems more likely, however, that this verse, as with so much of the Megillah, contains no small measure of irony. How reliable is a position of power granted by Achashverosh? The self-interest and fickleness of Achashverosh as evidenced in the Megillah, suggests that it is just a matter of time before the pendulum swings the other way.[6] On a more general level, this is part of the inherent instability of the exile to which the Megillah alludes.

This brings us to our final point. It is possible, as Jonathan Grossman proposes, that the conclusion of the Megillah contains one final textual allusion to the story of Yosef. The one other place in Tanach where the expression to 'impose (lit. to place) a tax/tribute' appears is none other than the continuation of the Yosef story:

וַיָּקָם מֶלֶךְ־חָדָשׁ עַל־מִצְרָיִם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדַע אֶת־יוֹסֵף... וַיָּשִׂימוּ עָלָיו שָׂרֵי מִסִּים לְמַעַן עַנֹּתוֹ בְּסִבְלֹתָם (שמות א:ח-יא)

If this connection is indeed intentional, then if it supports a subverted reading of the postscript which parodies a happy ending. The success of Yosef, with all the good it brought, was short-lived. As is so often the case in Jewish history, the power which Yosef and the nation acquired, became a source of resentment. The sober ending of the Megillah thus sends a message that there inevitably will come a time when a new king [or the same king with a change of heart!] will arise who does not know Mordechai.


Sources and further reading:

J. Grossman, Esther: The Outer Narrative and the Hidden Reading (Siphrut: Literature and Theology of the Hebrew Scripture, 6, 2011), https://www.etzion.org.il/en/topics/megillat-esther

M. Leibtag, https://tanach.org/special/purim/purims1.htm

M. First, Roots & Rituals: Insights into Hebrew, Holidays and History (Kodesh Press, 2018), p.214-218, https://seforimblog.com/2013/02/identifying-achashverosh-and-esther-in/

 

 

 



[1] A fairly comprehensive list of these parallels can be found in the introduction to the Da'at Mikra volume on Megillat Esther. 

[2] Notably the harsh poverty in the Land of Israel was related to the high taxes imposed by the king (see Nechemia 5:4) - a point which may be relevant to our discussion below regarding Achasverosh's tax at the end of the Megillah.

[3] There is a notable irony here given the fact that Koresh had already authorised the return of the people, hence the lack of prophetic fulfilment was a consequence of the overwhelming decision of the Jewish community to remain in Shushan (only 40,000 people decided to return). The criticism of Chazal (Megillah 12a) that the Jews joined in the feast takes on new meaning in light of this background.

Leibtag also notes there are precisely 70 days (=70 years) between when the first letters were sent out announcing Haman's decree (13th Nissan), and when the second letters were sent out on Mordechai's instruction (23rd Sivan).    

[4] The term Birah is also used in reference to the Bet HaMikdash in the Mishna (see Midot 1:9).   

[5] Like Yosef, Achashverosh also undertakes an intense gathering and storage exercise. Rather than gathering grain for the people, however, it is women which are gathered and stored for personal gratification.

וְיַפְקֵד הַמֶּלֶךְ פְּקִידִים בְּכָל־מְדִינוֹת מַלְכוּתוֹ וְיִקְבְּצוּ אֶת־כָּל־נַעֲרָה־בְתוּלָה טוֹבַת מַרְאֶה אֶל־שׁוּשַׁן הַבִּירָה אֶל־בֵּית הַנָּשִׁים אֶל־יַד הֵגֶא סְרִיס הַמֶּלֶךְ שֹׁמֵר הַנָּשִׁים וְנָתוֹן תַּמְרוּקֵיהֶן (אסתר ב:ג)

יַעֲשֶׂה פַרְעֹה וְיַפְקֵד פְּקִדִים עַל־הָאָרֶץ וְחִמֵּשׁ אֶת־אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם בְּשֶׁבַע שְׁנֵי הַשָּׂבָע׃ וְיִקְבְּצוּ אֶת־כָּל־אֹכֶל הַשָּׁנִים הַטֹּבֹת הַבָּאֹת הָאֵלֶּה וְיִצְבְּרוּ־בָר תַּחַת יַד־פַּרְעֹה אֹכֶל בֶּעָרִים וְשָׁמָרוּ׃ (בראשית מא:לד-לה)

[6] A cynical reading of this verse, albeit from a slightly different angle, is also proposed by Chazal (Megillah 16b) and Ibn Ezra.

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